The 1848 Revolution in French, sometimes known as February Revolution ( rÃÆ'  © volution de FÃÆ'  © vrier ), is one of the waves revolution in 1848 in Europe. In France, revolutionary events ended the monarchy of Orlà © ans (1830-1848) and led the creation of the Second Republic of France.
After the ouster of King Louis Philippe in February 1848, the elected government of the Second Republic ruled France. In the months that followed, the government directed courses that became more conservative. On June 23, 1848, the people of Paris arose in rebellion, which came to be known as a revolt on June - a bloody but unsuccessful rebellion by Paris workers against a conservative turn in the Republic. On 2 December 1848, Louis NapolÃÆ'Â on Bonaparte was elected President of the Second Republic, largely on the support of farmers. Exactly three years later he suspended the elected assembly, establishing the Second French Empire, which lasted until 1870. Louis NapolÃÆ'Â © went on to become the last de facto French king.
The February Revolution established the principle of "the right to work" ( droit au travail ), and the newly established government created the "National Workshop" for the unemployed. At the same time a kind of industrial parliament was established at the Luxembourg Palace, under the leadership of Louis Blanc, with the aim of preparing a scheme for labor organizations. The tensions between Liberal Orloneis and the Radical and Socialist Republics led to the Uprising on June Days.
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Under the 1814 Charter, Louis XVIII ruled France as the head of the constitutional monarchy. After the death of Louis XVIII, his brother, Count of Artois, ascended to the throne in 1824, like Charles X. Supported by ultra-royalists, Charles X was a very unpopular reactionary king whose aspirations were far greater than his death. you. He was not willing to rule as a constitutional monarch, taking steps to strengthen his own authority as king and weaken the power of the lower house.
In 1830, Charles X of France, may have been instigated by one of his chief advisors Jules, Prince de Polignac, issuing the Four Ordinances of St Cloud. This rule removes press freedom, reducing voters by 75%, and dispersing lower assemblies. This action provoked a direct reaction from the citizens, who rebelled against the monarchy during the Three-Day Great 26-29 July 1830. Charles was forced to release his throne and flee from Paris to the United Kingdom. As a result, Louis Philippe, from the Orlà © anist branch, rose to power, replacing the old Charter with the Charter of 1830, and his reign was known as the July Monarchy.
Dubbed the "Bourgeois Monarchy", Louis Philippe sits in the head of a liberal state controlled largely by an educated elite. Supported by Orlà © anists, he was opposed to his right by Legitimis (former ultra-royalist) and to his left by Republicans and Socialists. Louis Philippe is a skilled businessman and, through his business, he has become one of the richest men in France. Still Louis Philippe sees himself as the successful embodiment of the "small businessman" ( petty bourgeois ). As a result, he and his government were not on the side of big business (the bourgeoisie), especially part of the French bourgeoisie industry. Louis Philippe, however, supported the bankers, big and small. Indeed, at the beginning of his reign in 1830, Jaques Laffitte, a liberal banker and politician who supported Louis Philippe ascended the throne, said "From now on, bankers will rule." Thus, during the reign of Louis Philippe, the special "financial aristocracy" of bankers, stock exchange figures, railway kings, coal mine owners, iron ore mines, and forests and all landowners associated with them, tended to support it, while the industrial part of the bourgeoisie, which may have land where their factory sits but no more, dislikes Louis Philippe and in fact tends to side with the middle class and working class in opposition to Louis Philippe in the Chamber of Deputies. Naturally, land ownership is preferred, and this elitism results in the lifting of rights to many middle and working classes.
In 1848 only about one percent of the population held a franchise. Although France has free press and trial by juries, only landowners are allowed to vote, which alienate the petty bourgeoisie and even the industrial bourgeoisie from the government. Louis Philippe is seen as unconcerned about the needs of society, especially for members of the middle class who are excluded from the political arena. Early in 1848, some liberal Order, such as Adolphe Thiers, had turned against Louis Philippe, disillusioned by his opposition to parliamentarianism. A Reform Movement was developed in France that urged the government to expand the election franchise, as did the United Kingdom and Ireland in 1832. The more radical democrats of the Reform Movement united around the newspaper, La RÃÆ' Â © forme . However, more moderate republicans and liberal opposition gathered around the Le National newspaper. Beginning in July 1847, the reformers of all shades began to hold a "banquet" in which toast was drunk for "RÃÆ' Â © publique franÃÆ'§aise" (French Republic), "LibertÃÆ'Â ©" (Liberty), "EgalitÃÆ'Â ©" (Equal) and "FraternitÃÆ'Â ©" (Brotherhood), etc. However, Louis Philippe shuts his ears to the Movement Reform, and dissatisfaction among the many parts of the French continues to grow. Social and political dissatisfaction sparked a revolution in France in 1830 and 1848, which in turn inspired insurrection in other parts of Europe. Workers lost jobs, bread prices went up, and people accused the government of corruption. France rebelled and established a republic. France's success led to another insurrection including those who wanted help from the suffering caused by the Industrial Revolution and nationalism sprang up hoping for independence from foreign rulers.
Alexis de Tocqueville observed, "We are sleeping together in a volcano...... The wind of the revolution is blowing, the storm is on the horizon." Less qualifying property to vote, lower class is about to explode in rebellion.
Economic and international influences
The French middle class is witnessing a change in the UK with an interest. When the British Reform Act of 1832 extended the extension to anyone who paid a tax of  £ 10 or more per year (previously the vote was restricted to landowners), the French free press picked up interest. Meanwhile, economically, the working class may be slightly better than the British working class. However, unemployment in France throws skilled workers to the level of the proletariat. The only nominal social law of the July Monarch was adopted in 1841. The law prohibits the use of child labor under the age of eight, and employs children less than 13 years old for night work. This law, however, is routinely sneered at.
In 1846 there was a financial crisis and a bad harvest, and the following year there was an economic depression. The poor rail system hampered relief efforts, and the resulting peasant uprising was forcibly destroyed. According to the French economist, FrÃÆ' Â © ric Bastiat, the bad conditions of the rail system can largely be attributed to France's efforts to promote other transport systems, such as hoppers. Perhaps one-third of Paris is on offer. "Dangerous" authors breed like Louis Blanc ("Right to work") and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon ("Property is theft!").
Bastiat, who was one of the most famous political writers of the 1840s, wrote numerous works on the economic situation before 1848, and gave a different explanation of why the French were forced to rise in rebellion. He believed that the main reason was political corruption, along with its highly complex monopoly, permit, and bureaucratic system, which enabled those who were able to obtain political compensation unfairly privileged and able to dictate market conditions and cause a myriad of businesses to collapse, as well as protectionism became the basis for French foreign trade at the time, and which caused businesses along the Atlantic Coast to file for bankruptcy, along with those owned by the Bastiat family. Indeed, most of Bastiat's early works concern the situation at Bayonne and Bordeaux, two major trading ports before the Napoleonic Wars, gradually destroyed first by the Bonaparte continental blockade, and later by nineteenth-century protectionist legislation. According to Bastiat's biographer, G.C. Roche, shortly before the revolution, 100,000 Lyoners were described as "needy" and by 1840 there were at least 130,000 abandoned children in France. The international market also did not experience any problems at the time, which Bastiat attributed to freedom of trade. Indeed, much of France's economic problems in the 1830s and 1840s were caused by the unfair deficiencies and high prices of products that could easily be imported from other countries, such as textiles, machinery, tools, and ores, but did so both directly illegal at the time or unfavorable because the tariff system imposed a penalty.
Bastiat also noted that French legislators were totally unaware of the reality and impact of their radical policies. One member of the French House of Representatives reportedly received a standing ovation when he proposed that the depression of 1847 was mainly due to "external weakness" and "idle pacifism". The nationalist trend led to France severely restricting all international contacts with the British Empire, including a ban on the import of tea, which is considered to undermine the national spirit of France. Because Britain was the world's largest economy in the nineteenth century, France withdrew itself as its most important economic partner, who could supply France with what was lacking and buy a surplus of French goods.
Such government policies and ignorance of the real reasons for economic problems are, according to Bastiat, the main cause of the French Revolution in 1848 and the rise of socialists and anarchists in the years before the revolution itself.
Maps French Revolution of 1848
Events February
Since political meetings and demonstrations were banned in France, activists from the middle class opposition to the government began holding a series of fundraising events. The Campagne des Banquets, intended to avoid government restrictions on political meetings and provide official channels for popular criticism of the regime. The campaign began in July 1847. Friedrich Engels was in Paris since October 1847 and was able to observe and attend some of these banquets. He wrote a series of articles on the banquet, including the "Reform Movement in France" published at La RÃÆ'¨forme on November 20, 1847; "Separate at Camp - the RÃÆ'¨forme and the National - March of Democracy" published on The Northern Star on December 4, 1847; "The Banquet Reform in Lille - LeDru-Rollin Speech" was published on The Northern Star on December 16, 1847; "The Reform Movement in France - Banquet of Dijon" was published on The Northern Star on December 18, 1847; "The RÃÆ' Â © forme and National" was published at Deutsche-BrÃÆ'¼sseler-Zeitung on December 30, 1847; and "Louis Blanc Speech at Dijon Banquet" published at Deutsche-Brusseler-Zeitung on December 30, 1847. The banquet campaign continued until all political banquarters were banned by the French government in February 1848. As a result, people rebelled, helping to unite the efforts of the popular Republicans and liberal Orlists, who turned their back on Louis-Philippe.
Anger over banning political banquet brought the Paris crowd over the streets during the day on February 22, 1848. The crowd directed their anger against Citizen King Louis Philippe and his chief minister for foreign and domestic policies, François Pierre Guillaume Guizot. Shouting "Down with Guizot" ("ÃÆ'â,¬ bus Guizot") and "Long Live the Reform" ("Vive la rÃÆ'Â © forme") crowd lined past the Guizot residence. The crowds built a barricade on the streets of Paris, and the battle broke out between residents and guards of Paris.
At 2 noon the next day, February 23, Prime Minister Guizot resigns. After hearing the news of Guizot's resignation, a large crowd gathered outside the Foreign Ministry. An officer ordered the crowd not to pass, but the people in front of the crowd were pushed by the back. The officer ordered his men to fix the bayonet, probably wanting to avoid gunfire. However, in what is widely regarded as an accident, a soldier releases his rifle, which results in the rest of the soldiers firing on the crowd. Fifty-two people were killed.
Paris soon became a barricaded city. The omnibus is transformed into a barricade, and thousands of trees are cut down. Fires set up, and angry citizens began to gather in the royal palace. Louis-Philippe, fearing his life, abdicated for supporting his grandson, the nine-year-old Philippe, the Comte de Paris, and escaped to England in disguise. Strong republican sentiment sentiment prevented Philippe from taking over as king.
Father Bastiat witnessed the Revolution, and reportedly rescued several workers under police fire, described it as "a frightful war, a dispute" and further described the rebellious workers as "organizing, weapons, and experts on the battlefield, at the mercy of most demagogues fiery ". Bastiat believed that the revolution was done by a large group of desperate people, capable of self-organizing and arming rapidly because of the experience of countless unrest and previous revolutions, but at the same time almost instantly manipulated by the small. demagogues taking over command, which is the reason why the demands of the demonstrators are so out of sync with each other; for example, they want a drastic reduction in taxes and social benefits at the same time, but doing the latter will require a much higher tax, which negates the first request.
During and immediately after the events of February, Bastiat's pamphlets were reportedly posted throughout Paris and published in both conservative and socialist newspapers. They urged the French people not to listen to the demagogues, and to prove that their demands were incompatible with each other, aimed at fooling them and using their sentiments for their own political gain. He also wrote many articles in response to socialist demands for the abolition of private property, which was also very popular at the time, and received responses from socialist leaders such as Pierre Proudhon. Indeed, they exchanged letters published in socialist newspapers such as La Voix du Peuple .
Second Republic
On February 26, 1848, the liberal opposition gathered to organize a temporary administration, called the Second Republic. The poet Alphonse de Lamartine was appointed president of the interim administration. Lamartine served as French virtual dictator for the next three months. The election for the Constituent Assembly was scheduled on April 23, 1848. The Constituent Assembly would form a new republican government for France. In preparation for this election, the two main objectives of the interim administration are universal suffrage and unemployment assistance. The universal male suffrage came into effect on March 2, 1848, giving France nine million new voters. As in all other European countries, women have no right to vote. However, during this rapidly growing political clubs, including women's organizations. Help for the unemployed is achieved, by the interim government with the enactment of a National Workshop, which guarantees the "right of work" of French citizens. The "right" of a citizen to work and of course the National Workshop itself is the idea of ​​Jean Joseph Louis Blanc. In May 1848, the National Workshop employed 100,000 workers and paid a daily wage of 70,000 livres. The full work proved far from being workable, as unemployment may have reached about 800,000 people, with many under the job on top of that. On May 31, 15,000 unemployed French people rioted when rising xenophobia persecuted Belgian workers in the north. In 1848, 479 newspapers were established simultaneously with a 54% reduction in the number of businesses in Paris, as most wealth had evacuated the city. There is a corresponding decline in luxury trade and credit is becoming expensive.
The rise of conservatism in the Second Republic
Naturally, the interim administration is irregular as it tries to deal with the French economy. The conservative elements of French society wasted no time in organizing against the interim administration. After about a month, conservatives began to openly oppose the new government, using a "command" appeal, which the new republic lacked.
In addition, there was a major split between Parisians and citizens from rural France. The provisional government set out to build deeper government control over the economy and ensure a more equitable distribution of resources. As mentioned above, to address the problem of unemployment, the interim government established a National Workshop. The unemployed are given the work of building roads and planting trees regardless of demand for these tasks. Paris population ballooned as job seekers from all over France came to Paris to work at the newly formed National Workshop. To pay for this new National Workshop and other social programs, the interim government puts new taxes on land. These taxes alienate "landing classes" - especially small farmers and peasants in rural France - from the interim administration. Rural farmers working hard against payments for unemployed townspeople and their new "Work for Rights" National Workshop. Taxes are widely disobedient in rural areas and, as such, governments remain short on cash. The popular uncertainty about the liberal foundations of the interim government became apparent in the April 23, 1848 elections. Despite the agitation from the left, voters chose mainly moderate and conservative constituent assemblies. In May, Jacques-Charles Dupont de l'Eure, the head of the interim administration, paved the way for the Executive Commission, a state agency acting as Head of State with five co-presidents.
The election result of April 23, 1848 was a disappointment for the radicals in Paris except for the election of one candidate popular among urban workers, FranÃÆ'§ois-Vincent Raspail. Many radicals feel that elections are a sign of the slowing of the revolutionary movement. These radicals in Paris are pressuring the government to lead an international "war" for democracy. The independence of other European countries, like Poland urged by Paris radicals. In 1848, Poland did not exist as a nation state. The Poles were gradually "partitioned" or divided between the foreign powers of Prussia, Russia and Austria in 1773 and 1793. Finally in 1795, all the Poles were engulfed by three powers. However, this is a good time to raise the issue of Polish independence when Poland also underwent a period of their own rebellion in 1848 beginning with an uprising in Pozna? on March 20, 1848. (See Wielkopolska Uprising.)
However, the government of the National Constituent Assembly continues against the radicals. The radicals began to protest the government of the National Constituent Assembly. On May 15, 1848, Paris workers felt their democratic and social republic away, invaded the Assembly en masse and proclaimed the new Provisional Government. The revolution attempted on this part of the working class was quickly suppressed by the National Guard. The leaders of this uprising - Louis Auguste Blanqui, Armand BarbÃÆ'¨s, FranÃÆ'§ois Vincent Raspail and others - were arrested. The trial of these leaders was held in Bourges, France, from 7 March to 3 April 1849.
Conservative classes of society became increasingly afraid of the working-class power in Paris. They feel a strong need for the organization and set themselves about the need for "command" - the so-called "Party of Order". For the Party of Order, "command" means the decline of society in the days of Louis Philippe. The Party of Order is now a dominant member of the government. As the main force of reaction to the revolution, the Party of Order forced the closure of the Insurgent National Working Working Workshop on June 21, 1848. On June 23, 1848, the working class of Paris rose in protest at the closing of the National Workshop. On that day, 170,000 Parisians went out into the streets to set up barricades. To face this challenge, the government appointed General Louis-Eugène Cavaignac to lead the military forces suppressing the working-class rebellion. General Cavaignac has served in the Army in Algeria. Cavaignac had returned from Algeria and in the elections of April 23, 1848, he was elected to the National Constituent Assembly. Cavaignac arrived in Paris only on 17 May 1848 to take his seat at the National Assembly.
Between June 23 and June 26, 1848, the battle between the working class and Cavaignac was known as the uprising on June Day. The Cavaignac troops began on 23 June 1848 with troops of 20,000 to 30,000 French garrison troops from the French Army. Cavaignac embarked on a systematic attack on the revolutionary Parisians, targeting the blockaded areas of the city. However, he was unable to break the fierce opposition by armed workers in the barricade on June 23, 1848. Thus, the Cavaignac troops were reinforced with 20,000-25,000 other soldiers from a moving guard, some 60,000 to 80,000 additional troops from the national army. keep. Even with the strength of 120,000 to 125,000 soldiers, Cavaignac still needs two days to complete the oppression of the working class insurrection.
In February 1848, the workers and the petty bourgeoisie had fought together, but now, in June 1848, the lines were made differently. The working class has been abandoned by bourgeois politicians who established a temporary administration. This would be fatal for the Second Republic, which, without the support of the working class, could not proceed. Although the regime of the Second Republic continued to survive until December 1852, the generous and idealistic Republican who had been born by the February Days ended with the oppression of "June Days".
"The Party of Order" moved quickly to consolidate the forces of reaction within the government and on 28 June 1848, the government appointed Louis Eug訨ne Cavaignac as head of the French state. On December 10, 1848 presidential elections were held between four candidates. Cavaignac, is a candidate of the Party of Order. Alexandre Auguste Ledru-Rollin is also a candidate in the presidential election. Ledru-Rollin is a newspaper editor of La RÃÆ' © forme and thus is the leader of radical democrats in the petty bourgeoisie. FranÃÆ'§ois-Vincent Raspail is a revolutionary working class candidate. Louis-NapolÃÆ' Â © on Bonaparte is the fourth presidential candidate. Napoleon III won the presidential election December 10, 1848 with 5,587,759 votes compared to 1,474,687 votes for Cavaignac and 370,000 votes for Ledru-Rollin. Raspail ended in fourth place in the voting.
Class struggle in revolution
Karl Marx saw the "June Days" revolt as a strong evidence of class conflict. Marx saw the 1848 Revolution as being directed by the desire of the middle class. While the bourgeoisie is anxious because of "right participation", the workers have other concerns. Many of the participants in the revolution are from the so-called petite bourgeoisie (small business owners). In 1848, the "petty bourgeoisie" or the petty bourgeoisie more than the working class (rough laborers in mines, factories and stores, paid for manual labor and other work, not for their expertise) about two to one. However, the petty bourgeoisie is deeply indebted to the economic recession of 1846-1847. In 1848, maturing business debt was 21,000,000 francs in Paris and 11,000,000 francs in the provinces. The February Revolution brings together all classes against Louis Philippe. The bourgeoisie joins the working class to fight for "proper participation" in government for all parts and classes in society. But after the revolution, the working class was disappointed with their small share of that participation, and rebelled on the streets. This frightened the bourgeoisie and they suppressed the rebellion during the June Days. The petty bourgeoisie works hardest to suppress the rebellion. Its financial condition has worsened due to the slow sales and economic dislocation of the Revolution. In June 1848, more than 7,000 shopkeepers and merchants in Paris have not paid their rent since February. During the June Days, the creditors and their landlords (the financial bourgeoisie), prevented most attempts to collect those debts. But once the workers' revolts are demoted, they begin to affirm their claims in court. Thus, the financial bourgeoisie has turned its back on the petty bourgeoisie. Bankruptcies and foreclosures are increasing dramatically. The petty bourgeoisie held a large demonstration in the National Assembly to demand that the government investigate foreclosure issues and to have the debt extended to entrepreneurs who could prove that their bankruptcy was caused by the Revolution. Such a plan was introduced in the National Assembly but rejected. The petty bourgeoisie is very poor and many small traders become part of the working class.
Thus, the interim administration, supposedly created to address the concerns of all classes of French society, has little support among the working class and petty bourgeoisie. Therefore, he tends to speak only of the liberal bourgeoisie's concerns. Support for the interim government is particularly weak in the countryside, which is predominantly agricultural and more conservative, and has its own concerns, such as food shortages due to poor harvests. The attention of the bourgeoisie is very different from the lower classes. Support for the interim administration was also undermined by the memory of the French Revolution.
The "Thermidorian Reaction" and the rise of Napoleon III to the throne is evidence that people prefer the safety of a dictatorship capable of confronting the uncertainty of the revolution. Louis Napoleon describes himself as "rising above politics". Every class in France sees Louis Napoleon as the return of Napoleon Bonaparte's "big days," but has his own vision to return like that. Karl Marx refers to this phenomenon when he says "History repeats itself: the first time as a tragedy, the second time as a joke." Thus, various classes and political groups had different reasons to support Napoleon in the December 10, 1848 election. Napoleon himself urged this by "becoming all things to all". The Legitimists (Bourbons) and the Orleans monarchy (Citizen King Louis-Philippe) saw Louis Napoleon as the beginning of the royal restoration in France. The military believes Napoleon will have a foreign war policy. (In contrast, the Cell Guard supported Cavaignac in that election.) The industrial bourgeoisie felt that Napoleon would suppress further revolutionary activity. The petty bourgeoisie sees Napoleon as the rule of the debtor over the creditors, and as their savior against the great financial capitalists. Even some of the proletariat supported Louis Napoleon (over the petty-bourgeois socialist Alexandre Ledru-Rollin) to remove the hated Cavaignac and bourgeois republicanism from the National Assembly who had betrayed the interests of the proletariat on recent June Days.
Farmers strongly support Napoleon. Their support was so strong that the elections had been seen as kup d'ÃÆ' Â © tat by the peasants. Thus, one might argue, without the support of these great underclasses, the revolution of 1848 will not work, regardless of the expectations of the liberal bourgeoisie.
End of Revolution in France
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